Capital of the government of Livonia, Russia; situated on the River Düna, about 6 miles from its mouth.

Jews are first mentioned in the public documents of Livonia of 1560. In the negotiations between the city and King Sigismund August of Poland in that year it was stipulated that he should provide his soldiers with abundant supplies, with the understanding, however, that in the provisioning of the troops "the malicious Jewish people" should be entirely precluded from contracting (Bienemann, "Briefe und Urkunden," iv. 123). In the negotiations of the following year concerning the annexation of Riga to Poland the wish was expressed that Jews should not be admitted into Livonia as into the other provinces under the Polish crown, "so that they may not besmirch or injure the citizens with their unchristian usury and business transactions, and that they may not establish customs duties and other burdens" (ib. v. 88). As a result of this expressed wish, the treaty of annexation of Nov. 28, 1561, contained a paragraph excluding Jews from trading and from leasing customs duties in Livonia. This treaty, however, did not specifically prohibit Jews from residing in Riga, so that they continued to dwell there, as elsewhere in Livonia, in considerable numbers.

The annexation of Riga to Poland was accomplished in the year 1581; and there date from this period numerous complaints made by the Christian inhabitants of Riga to the Polish crown concerning the injurious commercial activity of the Jews. An entire series of enactments was passed in the reign of Sigismund III. (1587-1632), aiming at the exclusion of the Jews, the Dutch, the Scotch, the English, etc., from the whole of Livonia. An act of May 31, 1593, states: "we also desire that our city of Riga shall, as heretofore and also for all time to come, be exempt from the sojourn or residence of Jews." On the failure of this decree to produce the desired results, further representations were made; and finally, in May, 1596, the city of Riga secured a royal decree wherein all officials, chiefs, and rural nobility were forbidden to trade with the Jews and other foreigners. This decree also proving ineffectual, the town council of Riga found itself obliged to send (Jan. 25, 1597) a special commissioner to Warsaw to make vigorous representations at court concerning the subject. A further enactment of exclusion followed, Jan. 7, 1598; but it likewise remained ineffective, and a more stringent decree was issued March 26, 1599. The war and the troublous times which now ensued distracted attention from the Jews; but when conditions became somewhat more tranquil the complaints against them were renewed, and it appears therefrom that during the war the Jews had managed better than formerly to advance their interests.

In the instructions of the city council of Riga to its delegates at Warsaw (1611), the latter were told to advocate the enactment of legislation aiming at the exclusion of Jewish and Scotch pedlers from the country districts. In 1612 the King of Poland issued an order which actually led to the arrest of some Jews and provoked the complaints of Prince Radziwill. The latter in 1611 had requested the city council of Riga to exempt the Jews of Birzhi from the poll-tax imposed on every Jewish arrival in Riga. The council replied, through its delegates at Warsaw, that the collection of this tax was an ancient practise. Notwithstanding various restrictive ordinances, the Jews were permitted to remain in the city, at least temporarily. The name of the Jewish merchant Affras Rachmaelovich (A phraschus Rachmailowicz) occurs in the municipal records of 1595-97, where he is mentioned together with other Jews in connection with the trade in potash and other forest products.

In the treaty which was made with Sweden in 1621, Gustavus Adolphus confirmed the rights of the citizens of Riga, inserting in that document the words "and no Jews or strangers shall be allowed to sojourn in the country to the detriment of theburghers." During the Swedish period (1621-1710) the intolerant attitude of the Protestant Church held out no encouragement to Jewish settlers.

The Jewish physician and philosopher Joseph Solomon Delmedigo of Crete, on his way to Lithuania, where he was to become private physician to Prince Radziwill, remained for some time in Livonia, and wrote in 1623 to a learned friend in Troki that he was "in a country cut off from Jewish learning." Jews continued to sojourn in Livonia, descending the Düna in barks and returning when their commercial undertakings had been completed. The records covering the period of Polish domination were destroyed in the fire at Riga in 1674, and little information is accessible concerning this period. In 1645 twenty Jews were arrested on the charge of having illegally bought furs directly from Muscovite merchants, but the accusation was proved to be false, and they were released.

Jewish Inns.

In order to control the movements of the Jewish traders, the city council decided to establish for the accommodation of Jews a separate inn, the first mention of which occurs in 1645. In 1662 Jürgen Sutter petitioned for the assignment to him of a site for a Jewish inn, the old one having been pulled down in order to make room for the city walls. In 1666 an ordinance was passed by the city of Riga wherein Jews were prohibited to lodge anywhere save at the Jewish inn; and all Jewish traders were required to submit to the city officials a list of their merchandise. It was the duty of the innkeeper to see that the Jews remained in the inn at night, and to notify the burgomaster if any of them failed to do so. The price of rooms was set at 10 marks per week. The inn served also as a storage warehouse for liquors brought to the city by Jewish and Russian merchants; and excise payments were made there. This would seem to indicate that the Riga import trade in liquors was largely in the hands of the Jews. This regulation was undoubtedly a source of much annoyance to the Jewish traders. In 1667 they petitioned for permission to lodge near the city, and to remain in it overnight in case of necessity. The city council was apparently inclined to make some concessions, as it offered to remove the inn nearer to the city, and it even overlooked an occasional sojourn overnight in Riga. The Jews, however, still made complaints concerning the unsatisfactory lodging, as well as concerning the innkeeper's high-handed treatment, e.g., in 1671 and 1678 against Jürgen Greve. In 1685 the inn was again removed, its site being needed for new fortifications. During the war in 1700 and 1701 the suburb in which the Jewish inn had stood was destroyed in the siege and the operations that marked the beginning of a period of more than twenty years during which the Jews were not compelled to live in a specifically Jewish inn.

In the preparation for the siege in 1709 the vice-governor ordered that "Jews and other suspicious people should be advised to leave in good time." In the middle of September of that year the government ordered that no Jew should be permitted to enter the city, still less to stay there overnight. Exception was made in favor of David Isaakovich, who was involved in an important lawsuit; yet even he was not permitted to spend the night in the city.

Under Russian Rule.

Notwithstanding the prohibitive decree of 1709 a number of Jews besides David Isaakovich are met with in Riga about this time. Thus on Sept. 12, 1710, Naphtali Hirsch Israel made an application to the city council for permission to reside in Riga with his family, in order to collect his debts, and also because of his inability to return to his birth-place, Wilna, where he would be subject to persecution by the local clergy on account of a lawsuit. The council permitted him to dwell in the city for a considerable length of time; and in 1715 a patent was granted to him by Field-Marshal Menshikov, in recognition of his services as agent of the czar, conferring on him, together with his family and dependents, the right of residence in Riga. In 1719 Naphtali Hirsch Israel acted as bondsman for a coreligionist, who was thus enabled to leave the prison for the holy days. This fact indicates that there was some sort of a religious organization among the Jews of Riga.

In 1722 the merchants of the great gild complained that the Jews, who had recently increased in number, were engaging in trade to the injury of the citizens; and, in order to be rid of them, they proposed that a special quarter should be assigned to them in the suburbs. In 1723 the butchers' gild complained of the competition of the Jews. These complaints finally led the courts to decree the reestablishment of the Jewish inn. The site of the former one had been utilized by the Russian government for a shipyard; the privilege of establishing a new inn was given to a noble named Schröder and his heirs for a term of fifty years; and on Nov. 17, 1724, on the completion of the building, the city council ordered all the Jews to take up their quarters there within four weeks from that date. This enactment involved arbitrary measures by the city authorities; for instance, Zundel, son of the above-mentioned Naphtali Hirsch Israel, attempted to evade the compulsory measure, basing his claims on the special privileges which had been accorded to his deceased father. The council did not, however, accept his plea. Owing to the machinations of Schröder, even those Jews who remained in their boats or rafts were made to pay a half-gulden Albert to the "Jews' host" (ordinances of Nov. 19 and Dec. 15, 1725).

Isaac Solomon.

Only a Hamburg Jew, Isaac Marcus Solomon, was permitted to dwell outside the inn. This permission was due to his position as jeweler to the Duke of Holstein, son-in-law of the czar, and to the fact that he was a favorite of the imperial vice-chancellor Baron Ostermann. From the records of a lawsuit with other jewelers of Riga, who wished to expel him from the city, it appears that Solomon's grandfather had established the business in Riga; this shows that even under Swedish rule Jews had possessed the right to engage in the jewelry trade. Solomon succeeded in maintaining his right to remain in Riga; and Ostermann is said to have remarked that all the other jewelers of Rigatogether did not pay in a year as much customs duty as did this Jew. In 1729 and 1731 the jewelers of Riga made further attempts to have Solomon expelled, but without success.

The ukase of April 26, 1727, expelling the Jews from the Ukraine and various Russian cities, rendered more acute the position of the Riga Jews also. In consequence of this decree the governor of Livonia ordered all Jews residing in Riga, including Isaac Marcus Solomon of Hamburg, Zundel Hirsch Israel of Wilna, and Solomon Samson of Holland, to leave the city within a few days. The latter three, however, through powerful influences, established their right to remain in Riga. In Dec., 1728, there were only nineteen Jewish families in the city. The number was largely augmented in the months of May and June by Jews who descended the Düna in boats and on rafts.

The position of the Jews of Riga became worse in the reign of Empress Elizabeth and with the fall of their protector Ostermann; and the rigorous measures directed against them ceased only with the accession to the throne of Catherine II. Extant documents prove, however, that the Jews were granted a burial-plot in 1725, and that religious services were held in the Jewish inn. The legal status of the Jews of Riga at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign is defined in the following communication made by the council of Riga to the magistracy of Königsberg at the latter's request:

"Jewish families are not permitted to reside in Riga permanently; and there are no regular 'protected' Jews ["Schutzjuden"]. Exception is occasionally made in the case of those in whose behalf intercession is made, e.g., in that of Marcus Solomon, who, however, resides in the suburbs, and must make arrangements accordingly with the Jews' host. All Jews coming here for business must take up their abode in the 'Judenherberge,' and have not the right to reside within the city wall. The Jews may sell their goods only to citizens of Riga, and must also make their purchases from the latter. General trading is permitted to them only during fairs. The right of sojourn in Riga is limited according to conditions. In accordance with an old custom all Jews entering Riga must pay the burgomaster for safe-conduct" (see Leibzoll).

Curiously enough, after the ukase of Elizabeth of Dec. 2, 1742, was promulgated, the city council of Riga, in its session of Jan. 6, 1743, expressed the fear that if this decree were rigidly enforced the commerce of Riga with Poland would be seriously injured. It was therefore resolved to make representations in the matter to Lacy, the governor-general (see Friedrichstadt).

Importance of Jewish Trade.

It is amusing to note how, when their trade interests were imperiled, the Jew-baiters of Riga quickly found it expedient to beg for the return of the Jews. Special agents were sent to St. Petersburg with instructions to recommend that the Jews be allowed to visit Riga with their boats, since they had otherwise threatened to conduct their export trade through other channels. In fact, they had already established a new trade route by way of Borisov to Memel and Königsberg. The fear was expressed that the entire timber trade would be undermined, and that the imperial customs would be very seriously affected. The efforts of the Riga burghers, however, were not crowned with success. Their representations elicited the famous reply ascribed to Elizabeth: "I desire no material gain from the enemies of Christ."

On March 30, 1743, eighteen Jews were expelled from Dorpat, Livonia. Nevertheless, Isaac Marcus Solomon is met with in Riga in 1744, when the governor-general granted him permission to remain in the city for a further period of eight days. When, in Feb., 1744, the children and servant of the Jew David were expelled from the town, the only Jew left in Riga was Moses Meyer, who was allowed to remain because of his connection with a case before the Senate. For the following twenty years there is no record of Jews in the city.

Right of Residence Granted 1764.

In 1764 Alderman Schick was sent to St. Petersburg to apply for the abrogation of the decree prohibiting Jews from residing in Riga. He stated in his application that the trade of Riga with Poland had declined year by year, while that of the ports of Courland, Windau, and Libau and of the Prussian ports of Memel and Königsberg had increased very considerably. He therefore asked that Jews be allowed to visit Riga for trading purposes, since there was no danger of their securing permanent residence there owing to the rights granted to the city in 1593, 1597, and 1621. After an interval of twenty-four years, with the accession to the throne of Catherine II., who favored the importation of colonists, especially to South Russia, Jewish merchants were again permitted to live in Riga (see Jew. Encyc. iii. 625b, s.v. Catherine II.).

The privilege of erecting another inn for Jews was awarded by the city council (Dec. 15, 1764) to one Bencken, a Christian citizen; and an order was issued to the inhabitants (Jan. 14, 1765) forbidding them to allow Jews to lodge in their houses. The complaints of the Jews concerning this restriction were of no avail. Exception was made by Governor-General Browne only in favor of the privileged Jews David Bamberger, Moses Aaron, and Levi Wolf, whose respective households consisted of thirteen, six, and seventeen persons. Another Jew mentioned at this time was Benjamin Bachr, agent of the Polish-Lithuanian and Courland Jews, in whose behalf he petitioned the empress, complaining of their maltreatment by the Riga authorities. The petition was successful only to the extent that the empress ordered the abolition of the safe-conduct tax (June 3, 1765). Under the new imperial policy Jews were now permitted to visit Riga and the rest of Livonia for business purposes, and to remain for a continuous period of six weeks, so that the Riga authorities could no longer expel them at pleasure. In the summer of 1770, when the plague broke out in Podolia, the Jews were summarily expelled from Riga on three days' notice, and were not allowed to return until the following year. Exceptions were again made, however, in the case of the privileged New-Russian Jews.

It was not until 1780 that Governor-General Browne addressed a communication to the office of the governor-general of New Russia inquiring whether the New-Russian Jews Levi Wolf, David Bamberger, Moses Aaron, Zundel Hirsh, Aaron Noah, Aaron Hirsh, Levin Moses, and Jacob Gabriel were wantedthere, and whether they should be sent thither, as they were without purpose in Riga, and did not pay any crown taxes." The reply, dated Aug., 1780, stated that as they did not belong to the merchant gild of New Russia, they were not wanted there. Thereupon the governor-general sent to the city council a list of forty-three Jews who were to be deported across the frontier within fourteen days. As regards the other privileged Jews, whose names did not appear on the list, he made representations in their behalf to the Senate. The privileged Jews must have remained in Riga; for there is a record of a quarrel at that time between David Levi Bamberger and Aaron Hirsh concerning their relation to the Jewish community and the synagogue.

Internal Dissensions.

In Oct., 1783, another quarrel broke out concerning the appointment of synagogal officers. The representatives of the privileged community of the protected Jews were at that time Samuel Salomon and Jacob Wolff. The New-Russian and Polish Jews doing business in Riga applied to the governor-general for the removal of these representatives because of their alleged inexperience in religious practise. The complaints against them were that they opened the synagogue too late in the day; that they had monopolized the supply of "etrogim" (paradise-apples); that they did not permit singers from other cities to sing in the synagogue; that the person charged with watching over kasher matters drank non-kasher wine; and that those charged with the maintenance of order came drunk to the synagogue, etc. The court decided (Oct. 31, 1783) that the two parties should choose one president for the entire community. The jeweler Salomon Pasakh, a privileged Jew, was accordingly elected on Nov. 20, and his election was confirmed by the district court. He, with the aid of two learned Jews, was given the right to adjudge all minor matters, more serious affairs being referred to the district court. The disputes between the two parties did not, however, cease.

By a treaty concluded between Russia and Courland May 10, 1783, the district of Schlock, with Dubbeln and Mayorenhoff, was annexed to Livonia. Catherine II., by a ukase of Feb. 4, 1785, converted the village of Schlock into a town; and to encourage commerce, permission was given to all free Russians and foreigners, without distinction of race or religion, to settle there and to register as burghers or merchants. Although the Jews were not specifically mentioned in this manifesto, it is known that Catherine wished especially to find a place for the Jews of Courland (see Russia). In consequence many Jews settled in Schlock, which was near Riga, and many of the protected Jews in Riga thus became citizens of Schlock. All other Jews were ordered to leave Riga within six months.

By an ordinance of July 5, 1788, and in accordance with a special imperial order, fifteen Jewish families were allowed to reside in Riga. Most of them were the descendants of the privileged Jews who were living in Riga in 1764. Owing to the abuse of the privilege allowing each family to employ one tutor, it was ordered that only one teacher be retained for the entire community, and that the others be expelled. Schlock Jews who had established themselves in Riga permanently were ordered to remain in the city not more than eight days at a time.

From a census made by the city council on April 25, 1811, it appears that the Jews in Riga at that time were the following: 1 privileged Jew; 35 Schlock merchants; 394 Schlock burghers; 122 Courland Jews; 145 Lithuanian Jews; 13 foreigners; 26 of unknown origin; in all, 736. From that year until 1827 there was a constant struggle on the part of the Riga Jews, especially those from Schlock, to secure more privileges for themselves, while the city council on the other hand aimed to reduce their number. When a committee of ministers, in response to an application by the city council, considered the question of the reduction, the decision was reached on the opinion of Marquis Paulucci, then governor-general of the city, that the old regulations were sufficient for the purpose.

The ordinance of April 13, 1835, changed the status of the Jews of Riga. Up to that time the Jews residing in Riga and Schlock, like those of Courland, were permitted to remain there with their families. The local administration, not being in sympathy with the new regulations, deferred the publication of them until Nov. 15, and was rebuked for the delay by the Senate. An imperial ordinance of Dec. 17, 1841, defined the status of Jews domiciled in Riga as follows:

Ordinance of 1841.
  • 1. Jews who have practically secured permanent abode in Riga are to be allowed to register in that city and to reside there, without acquiring, however, burgher rights or the right to possess real property.
  • 2. Henceforth Jews from other governments and from the town of Schlock are prohibited from moving to Riga and residing there.
  • 3. Jews remaining in Riga in accordance with this ordinance are to wear the German dress.
  • 4. The question of the rights of the Jews to engage in trade is to be included in the general consideration of the commercial life of Riga.
Restricted Right of Permanent Residence.

Under the provisions of this law 517 persons (256 males and 261 females) were transferred from Schlock to Riga. They included Ezekiel Berkowitz, a merchant of the second gild, and Nathan Abraham Scheinessohn, Phoebus Ilyisch, and Elias (Eduard) Nachmann, three merchants of the third gild. The city council of Riga petitioned for the withdrawal of the privilege of residing in the city from all except the fifteen families of protected Jews and their descendants. The Senate replied (Nov. 27, 1845) that the matter had been determined by the law of Dec. 17, 1841; the right of permanent residence was to be granted to those Jews who had lived in Riga since 1834. According to the census of Schlock for 1834 there were in all 409 such Jews. By the law of 1841 the rights (1) to purchase real estate and (2) to become burghers of Riga were, as shown above, withheld from the Jews. The former was granted by a decision of the imperial council of May 12, 1858; the latter right is still denied them.

The tradition concerning the ancient discriminations against the Jews made it difficult for the Christians of Riga to reconcile themselves to the broader rightsgranted to the former. In various ways the Jewish arrivals continued to suffer from the almost hereditary prejudices; and they owed much in regard to the amelioration of their condition to Prince Alexander Suvorov, who was governor-general of Riga from 1848 until 1861. Notwithstanding the opposition of the burghers, the Jews with Suvorov's support succeeded, in 1850, in securing permission to build a synagogue in the part of the city called "Moscow" suburbs. The ordinance prohibiting Jews from living within the city walls became inoperative with the removal of the walls themselves in 1858. In 1868 the Jewish community laid the corner-stone of the new synagogue on Bahnhoffstrasse, and the building was dedicated in Aug., 1871.

Lilienthal at Riga.

Since 1875 the Jews of Riga have come under the influences making for the Russification of the Baltic provinces; and many of them have learned to speak Russian. Throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century they made liberal provisions with regard to the education of their children. Rabbi Max Lilienthal came to the city in 1839 as principal of the newly established Jewish school, which was opened Jan. 15, 1840. On Lilienthal's removal to St. Petersburg, his position as principal was taken by Ruben Wunderbar. In 1843 Abraham Neumann succeeded Lilienthal in the rabbinate, officiating for more than twenty years, and contributing much to the spread of culture among the Jews of the city. In 1864 a Jewish school was established by Wolf ha-Kohen Kaplan, who was instrumental in securing better treatment for the Lithuanian Jews residing in Riga. In 1873 A. Pumpyanski became rabbi of Riga; and in 1876 Adolph Ehrlich was appointed principal of the Jewish school, remaining in that position until 1896.

Riga, being situated outside the Pale of Settlement, possesses special laws concerning its Jewish inhabitants. Thus, according to the Russian code of laws (Mysh, "Rukovodstvo," etc., p. 283), the Jews of Riga may own real estate in the city, although they do not enjoy the right of citizenship.

Synagogue at Riga, Russia.(From a photograph.)Special Legislative Position.

The older Jewish families of Riga, the so-called privileged "citizens of Schlock," who once were active in communal affairs, are now in the background. The more intelligent portion of the community is made up of Courland Jews, who began to settle in Riga in great numbers in the second half of the nineteenth century. They have been successful in commercial undertakings, and, like the German Jews, are well educated. They are the leaders in the Jewish community. A third class comprises the Lithuanian and White-Russian settlers, mostly merchants and artisans. The White-Russian Jews are for the most part Ḥasidim, and are prominent in the lumber and export trades. They live in accordance with their own Ḥasidic traditions, and have their own synagogues.

With the abolition of the Ḳahal (1893) the control of the affairs of the community was transferred to the city administration. The latter manages the Jewish rabbinic schools and fiscal affairs, and only in special cases are experts from among the Jews consulted. Thus the Jewish community of Riga is governed by a city council which has not a single Jew among its aldermen. Among the charitable institutions may be mentioned the society for the prevention of pauperism known as Friends of the Poor; a burial society, free kitchen, free library, etc.

Rabbis and Prominent Men.

Among the first Orthodox rabbis of the community was Aaron ben Elhanan (c. 1840). He was succeeded by his son-in-law Jacob Elias Rivlin. The present incumbent is Moses Shapiro, son-in-law of Isaac of Slonim. Besides Lilienthal, the rabbis and preachers who were recognized by the government have been Abraham Neumann (1843-63), Reichman (1869-73), A. Pumpyanski (1873-93), S. Pucher (1893-98), and the present incumbent, Dr. Michelsohn. Teachers: Max Lilienthal (1839-41), R. Wunderbar (1841-50), Lipman Hurwitz (1843-48), Wolf Kaplan (1852-88), A. Luria (1884-89), H. Mendelsohn (1856-63 and 1878-92), Adolph Ehrlich (1876-96). When Paul I. established in Riga the censorship of Hebrew books (1799) J. L. Elkan was appointed the first censor. He was followed in the office by Moses Hezekiel and E. D. Lewy.

Among the prominent members of the ḳahal of Riga may be mentioned: N. H. Scheinessohn (1837); Benjamin Nachman (1837); M. H. Tietzner; P. M. Berkowitz; S. B. Bloch (1865); P. Keilman (b. 1829; graduated from the University of Dorpat in 1854 and served in the military hospitals during the Crimean war, and from 1861 to 1881 as factory physician; received from the government the title of councilor of state, and was appointed adviser on Jewish affairs by the governor-general of Riga; died 1903); Moses Hirsh Brainin (1823-64; was made an honorary citizen of Riga; died in St. Petersburg 1870); his grandson S. Brainin (1889-93); and David Stern (1892).

Prominent as bankers or merchants have been Robert Hirschfeld (1842), Dr. Nachman, Phoebus Ilyisch, Joseph Mayer, I. Eliasberg, M. Kalmeyer, Itzig Birkhahn, Leon Schalit, David Schwartzbort, Wolf Luntz, and Loeb Lipschütz. Among men of letters are found Robert Ilyisch, for many years feuilletonist of the "St. Petersburger Herold"; L. Bernstamm, the sculptor; S. Freidus, of the New York Public Library; the physician Jacob Brainin, a graduate of the University of Kharkof who has practised in Riga since 1894; Sosnitz, who lived there from 1857 to 1885; and the Hebrew writer Tavyev, from 1894 to 1905, now residing at Wilna.

A branch of the Society for the Promotion of Culture Among the Jews of Russia was established in Riga in 1900. In the society's report for 1903 it is stated that the amount spent in Riga in that year for educational purposes was 66,000 rubles. Part of this sum was divided among the Jewish elementary school for boys, the night-school for artisans, the model ḥadarim, and the Sabbath reading-school for artisans. Other portions of the fund were employed to aid Jewish students at high and professional schools, and in support of the Jewish agricultural colony near Riga.

The following table gives the vital statistics of the Jewish community of Riga for 1882 and from 1892 to 1903 inclusive:


In 1897 the Jews of Riga numbered about 30,700 in a total population of about 256,197.

  • Buchholtz, Gesch. der Juden in Riga, Riga, 1899;
  • Mysh, Rukovodstvo K Russkim Zakonam o Yevreyakh, St. Petersburg, 1898;
  • Wunderbar, Gesch. der Juden in Liv-, Est-, und Kurland, Mitau, 1853;
  • Voskhod, 1885, passim;
  • Chteniya v Obschestvye Istorii i Drevnostei Rossiskikh, 1866, i. 133;
  • Adolph Ehrlich, Entwickelungsgeschichte der Israelitischen Gemeindeschule zu Riga, St. Petersburg, 1894.
H. R. J. G. L.